You've got to hand it to John Boehner; as Speaker of the House, he has become a pretty good politician. Last week, as he stood at the lectern and announced that the House of Representatives--on the voting strength of the Republican majority in that legislative body--was sending a Federal budget without funding for the Affordable Care Act to the Senate, and explained that this was for the good of the American people and clearly supported by the majority of the voting public, it looked like he almost believed what he was saying.
Almost, but not quite.
Mr. Boehner has been around the block several times more than the Tea Party amateurs in his caucus. I think that he is savvy enough to know that fighting for a Republican victory by shutting down the government if Obamacare is not defunded is a losing fight for the Republican Party.
Consider the facts (facts that Mr. Boehner undoubtedly understands): We had a presidential election last November; in that election, President Obama stood clearly for the continued implementation of the Affordable Care Act, and Mr. Romney's position was for its rejection. President Obama won the election. That's a pretty compelling statement of opinion by the American voting public.
What about current public opinion polls? Well, I just saw CNBC report on their latest poll on the question of whether or not people agree with defunding Obamacare, and by lopsided margins people stated their support for funding that program, especially if the alternative is a government shutdown.
Do polls show that a majority of Americans are, in some way, not satisfied with Obamacare? Yes, that's true. I have seen polling that reports 54% feeling that way. In truth, if I were polled, I would be part of that 54%. But polls don't do a really good job of getting down to the "why" of things. In my case--and I believe this to be true for many others in that 54%--I think that the country would be better-off with a single-payer healthcare system, instead of the current and historical fee-for-service structure. In my case, there's no particular ideological reason for having this opinion; for me, it's a matter of national economics, and how the coldly rational mathematics of that dismal science influence the future success of the nation. But, that's a conversation for another time.
Put all this together -- it's game, set and match for Obamacare.
Mr. Boehner certainly knows and understands all this. I also think that he understands that good governance requires clear and consistent legislative actions based far more on what is known and understood about the demonstrated majority intents of the governed populace, and far less on the narrow interpretations of self-interest that are the motivations of many of the Republicans serving in the current House of Representatives. These people, very simply, are afraid that anything less than intransigent opposition to President Obama's policies will spell doom for them in their next primary election.
Okay, I can understand that people want to win and not lose; that's just human nature. But Mr. Boehner--and others in leadership positions within the Republican Party--owe it to America to lead their team in a way that supports the democratic majority intent of the American people. That's what leaders are supposed to do -- they are supposed to lead, even if that means setting a strategy that is not entirely in concert with the narrower interests of some of the people on the team.
Speaker Boehner, you are not leading.
Instead, you are forcing us to accept threats of a government shutdown by these narrowly-interested people if they don't get their way. This is petulance, not governance. Is this the best that the GOP has to offer the country?
It certainly isn't what the country deserves.
But don't listen to me on this. Listen, instead, to the first Republican President of the United States. Abraham Lincoln as President devoted himself to sustaining the integrity of the nation; consistent government was part of the deal for him. You can't have a nation without a functioning government, and Mr. Lincoln bought into that concept lock, stock and barrel.
Would Mr. Lincoln, summoned from the grave and exposed to almost 150 years of changes, growth and progress, be a fan of Obamacare? It's not for me to put words in another man's mouth, but I think that he would at least be open to the idea. As I said a few moments ago, don't listen to me, listen to Mr. Lincoln instead: "With malice toward none; with charity for all. . ." That's from the closing to his Second Inaugural Address on March 4, 1865. Less well-known, perhaps, than his Gettysburg Address, but no less powerful.
Would Mr. Lincoln think that shutting down the government is the best that the Republican Party has to offer today?
I doubt it. I think he would be saddened.
Monday, September 23, 2013
Saturday, September 7, 2013
Syria -- war and virtue
All of mankind's great and large nations--and many of its lesser and smaller ones--have been warlike. An unfortunate statement to make, but nonetheless true.
Even though as individuals we are mostly peaceful, war and conflict seem to be solidly ingrained into our national behaviors. For example, take a look at one of the noblest words in the English language -- virtue. That's a word that conveys meanings of high morals and purely clean ethics. The word's origin, however, is from the Latin language of the ancient Romans. For them, "virtue" meant "manliness" and "valor," and those attributes came only from fighting in battles with Rome's opponents. To be a virtuous person required behaviors, actions and personal commitments that could come only from participation in war.
The Romans neither originated nor concluded this behavior; they notably institutionalized it, and provided it with enough meaning that after twenty-five hundred years it resists any preparations made for its retirement.
With this background--and with certain other facts, too, that will be explained later--we ask ourselves now: Do we make war on Syria? If so, can it be virtuous?
President Obama and his administration--with unusual support from both Democratic and Republican Congressional leadership--believe that the time has come to militarily punish Syria for its use of chemical weapons in the Syrian civil war.
I'm having a hard time seeing that as a good idea.
In fact, I'm having difficulty finding any good ideas regarding Syria right now. It looks like all of the options for action are seriously flawed, and it's been that way right from the beginning of this thing. It doesn't seem likely that the passage of time will ever reveal any truly good ideas for actions that would yield a positive outcome.
Even if eventually the best decision turns out to be to take no action at all--tempting for its simplicity, and perhaps inevitable due to popular will--that does not mean that "best" is the same thing as "good." It may be that it becomes the best decision only because it is the least bad decision.
These actions are odd--they are tragic and shameful, but also curious--because they produce very little immediate advantage, and yet the long-term result is to bring opprobrium to the perpetrator, and sympathy and support to the victims. Since warfare use of chemical weapons is specifically banned by the rest of the world's nations outside of Syria, this use of these weapons is an open invitation to incursion for legal enforcement. Assad and the people in his regime are not stupid; they know these things as well as we do.
That might be accurate. Mr. Obama clearly wants to inflict punishment for the legal transgression, but the proposed punishment--lobbing a few cruise missiles at the offenders--does not equate to enforcement. He also wants Congress to have a say in this, and the European Union insists on waiting for the report out of the United Nations on-site investigators. These things require time, perhaps as much as a few weeks. After our misadventures over the last decade in Afghanistan and Iraq, American public opinion has become almost isolationist; there might be enough of such feelings to cause Congress to vote against any military strike. And there's no way to predict the results of the UN investigation.
The option that is most easily chosen, of course, is to do nothing. Nothing, that is, in the military sense. In the short run, America would therefore be making no direct contribution to increasing the brutishness of this conflict. And that's an important thing, not only for the innocents who are caught in the cross-fire, but also because it has always been difficult to find the "good guys" in this war, the implication being that the good guys deserve assistance to help them win, and the bad guys deserve to lose. But, if we cannot truly identify the good guys, then how do we know whom to help?
Consider the possibility, though, that enough has already been exposed to the world so that "nothing" is really "something." Assad, who once enjoyed relatively high and shiny esteem among the world's autocrats, is now covered in a thick layer of tarnish. It's doubtful that he can ever again be polished up. Maybe he doesn't care about that because of the way in which he intends to shape the future. It's worth thinking about.
I think Iran might end up being a wild card in this game. Iran has enjoyed its alliance with Syria, but for the Islamic Republic's leaders have a lot of other moving pieces on the table--Iraq, Lebanon, Hezbollah, nuclear power--that might provide them with enough replacement value so that they wouldn't feel all that badly about losing the Assad regime. Iranian leadership is contentious, conflicted and confused; typically, it is opaque, apparently even to those who make up the leadership. Iran is a wait-and-see player for now.
Russia is different; it's always different, isn't it? Russia has spent centuries stewing over the geographical fact that its southern naval forces in the Black Sea are so easily restricted from entering the Mediterranean. Syria, since 1971, has fixed that problem by providing Russia with a strategic naval base at its seaport of Tartus. Perhaps the passage of four decades' worth of time has diminished the value of that asset, but still it represents a tangible expression of the projection of Russian influence and power; why would Russia--especially under the self-absorbed, xenophobically-nationalistic and consistently vain leadership of the occasionally-shirtless Vladimir Putin--want to lose it? So, Russia is committed to Assad for as long as Russia feels that an anti-Assad victory would threaten its use of Tartus. Which means that Russia will use its Security Council veto to prevent any UN-sanctioned action against Syria.
We don't know what it is that he is doing, only that it has to do with his inexplicable use of chemical weapons.
If we think that Assad's past and current behaviors in his country's civil war are morally corrupt--and I do think so--then we ought to be morally-concerned about his vision for the future.
Even though as individuals we are mostly peaceful, war and conflict seem to be solidly ingrained into our national behaviors. For example, take a look at one of the noblest words in the English language -- virtue. That's a word that conveys meanings of high morals and purely clean ethics. The word's origin, however, is from the Latin language of the ancient Romans. For them, "virtue" meant "manliness" and "valor," and those attributes came only from fighting in battles with Rome's opponents. To be a virtuous person required behaviors, actions and personal commitments that could come only from participation in war.
The Romans neither originated nor concluded this behavior; they notably institutionalized it, and provided it with enough meaning that after twenty-five hundred years it resists any preparations made for its retirement.
With this background--and with certain other facts, too, that will be explained later--we ask ourselves now: Do we make war on Syria? If so, can it be virtuous?
President Obama and his administration--with unusual support from both Democratic and Republican Congressional leadership--believe that the time has come to militarily punish Syria for its use of chemical weapons in the Syrian civil war.
I'm having a hard time seeing that as a good idea.
In fact, I'm having difficulty finding any good ideas regarding Syria right now. It looks like all of the options for action are seriously flawed, and it's been that way right from the beginning of this thing. It doesn't seem likely that the passage of time will ever reveal any truly good ideas for actions that would yield a positive outcome.
Even if eventually the best decision turns out to be to take no action at all--tempting for its simplicity, and perhaps inevitable due to popular will--that does not mean that "best" is the same thing as "good." It may be that it becomes the best decision only because it is the least bad decision.
Syria's civil war
Map of Syria from the CIA World Factbook |
Civil wars are always nasty and savage affairs. It's usually best for outsiders to stay away and let the locals settle things on their own. Outsiders who take sides in these things usually do so because they have something to gain, or to lose, from the war's outcome. Even if they have no involved self-interest--rare, but not impossible--others will be unconvinced of motivation based on alturism.
Syria's civil war is living up to the nasty and savage image of these conflicts, perhaps worsened by the fact that both sides have had some outside help. Neither side, of course, wants the other one to gain any more external support. Oddly, then, the country's president--Bashar al-Assad--and his assorted military cronies have apparently taken recent actions--in using chemical weapons against their foes--that seem calculated to draw in even more outside involvement in support of their opponents.These actions are odd--they are tragic and shameful, but also curious--because they produce very little immediate advantage, and yet the long-term result is to bring opprobrium to the perpetrator, and sympathy and support to the victims. Since warfare use of chemical weapons is specifically banned by the rest of the world's nations outside of Syria, this use of these weapons is an open invitation to incursion for legal enforcement. Assad and the people in his regime are not stupid; they know these things as well as we do.
Cynic alert: here's your opening
The cynics among us will want to observe that the Assad cabal is pretty sure that they can get away with this stuff because there's nobody around who wants to do the enforcing.That might be accurate. Mr. Obama clearly wants to inflict punishment for the legal transgression, but the proposed punishment--lobbing a few cruise missiles at the offenders--does not equate to enforcement. He also wants Congress to have a say in this, and the European Union insists on waiting for the report out of the United Nations on-site investigators. These things require time, perhaps as much as a few weeks. After our misadventures over the last decade in Afghanistan and Iraq, American public opinion has become almost isolationist; there might be enough of such feelings to cause Congress to vote against any military strike. And there's no way to predict the results of the UN investigation.
The option that is most easily chosen, of course, is to do nothing. Nothing, that is, in the military sense. In the short run, America would therefore be making no direct contribution to increasing the brutishness of this conflict. And that's an important thing, not only for the innocents who are caught in the cross-fire, but also because it has always been difficult to find the "good guys" in this war, the implication being that the good guys deserve assistance to help them win, and the bad guys deserve to lose. But, if we cannot truly identify the good guys, then how do we know whom to help?
The future isn't what it used to be
But what of the long term? The long-term consequences of inaction are unknown to those who do not act; inaction does nothing to shape the future. On the other hand, Assad's odd behavior is probably an immediate action that he intends to use to shape the future.Consider the possibility, though, that enough has already been exposed to the world so that "nothing" is really "something." Assad, who once enjoyed relatively high and shiny esteem among the world's autocrats, is now covered in a thick layer of tarnish. It's doubtful that he can ever again be polished up. Maybe he doesn't care about that because of the way in which he intends to shape the future. It's worth thinking about.
Assad actually has friends (sort of)
What about Assad's patrons, Iran and Russia?I think Iran might end up being a wild card in this game. Iran has enjoyed its alliance with Syria, but for the Islamic Republic's leaders have a lot of other moving pieces on the table--Iraq, Lebanon, Hezbollah, nuclear power--that might provide them with enough replacement value so that they wouldn't feel all that badly about losing the Assad regime. Iranian leadership is contentious, conflicted and confused; typically, it is opaque, apparently even to those who make up the leadership. Iran is a wait-and-see player for now.
Russia is different; it's always different, isn't it? Russia has spent centuries stewing over the geographical fact that its southern naval forces in the Black Sea are so easily restricted from entering the Mediterranean. Syria, since 1971, has fixed that problem by providing Russia with a strategic naval base at its seaport of Tartus. Perhaps the passage of four decades' worth of time has diminished the value of that asset, but still it represents a tangible expression of the projection of Russian influence and power; why would Russia--especially under the self-absorbed, xenophobically-nationalistic and consistently vain leadership of the occasionally-shirtless Vladimir Putin--want to lose it? So, Russia is committed to Assad for as long as Russia feels that an anti-Assad victory would threaten its use of Tartus. Which means that Russia will use its Security Council veto to prevent any UN-sanctioned action against Syria.
Read here for the conclusion (especially if you skipped everything else); you can always go back to learn the why of it
This story will go on. In the meantime, here's a surprising observation: Giving credit where credit is due, let's acknowledge that Assad is currently in the cat-bird seat because he is a national leader who is actively doing something to shape the future.We don't know what it is that he is doing, only that it has to do with his inexplicable use of chemical weapons.
If we think that Assad's past and current behaviors in his country's civil war are morally corrupt--and I do think so--then we ought to be morally-concerned about his vision for the future.
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