More on the first 100 days of Donald Trump's presidency.
Were there any disasters in Trump's
first 100 days? No, not really. He has acted in ways that
much of the country -- including yours truly -- thinks will be very wrong,
maybe even dramatically wrong, for the nation in the long run. And there's much of the country that thinks those same things are important and needed changes. Those are
political disagreements, not disasters. But
then came May 9 – what would that be?
The 110th day?
What happened on May 9th? That’s the day that Trump fired FBI Director
James Comey. If Watergate was a disaster
for Nixon – and it was – then firing Comey has the potential to be at least as
bad a disaster for Trump.
Why is that? President Richard Nixon tried to hide his
culpability in his reelection campaign operatives’ burglary of the Democratic
Party’s offices at the Watergate office building. He did this by firing Archibald Cox, the
special investigator charged with determining the facts behind the burglary
operation, when Cox’s work had arrived at a point where it was too close to the
truth for Nixon’s comfort. (Cox had
subpoenaed the tapes that had recorded Oval Office conversations during the
time period under investigation.) Under
threat of impeachment, Nixon resigned.
As FBI Director, Comey was the highest-level executive with oversight
responsibility for the FBI investigation into the Russian interference with the
2016 election, and whether any part of Trump’s campaign might have colluded
with Russia. Depending on what happens
in the next several days, we might start using the term “Kremlin-gate.” (Don’t say it started here.) The legality of Nixon’s firing of Cox was
somewhat questionable; the legality of Trump’s firing of Comey is, however, not
questioned. Both cases, though, share
the same glaringly obvious question: “What
else is there to know?”
Did Trump have campaign
operatives? Yes. Many.
What could be the outcome of the current
investigation? It could simply
reinforce what is already known, which is that Russia interfered in the
American election, and that would probably amount to an exoneration of Trump
and his campaign operatives. Such a
result would remove a dark cloud of suspicion over Trump and his administration
that threatens to become darker. Or, it
might reveal unquestioned collaboration between the Trump campaign and Russian
actions (which would imply a forecast of very stormy weather). And, of course, it might conclude with
something in between those two extremes (partly to mostly cloudy).
How will the next Director of the
FBI feel about job security?
Probably pretty good if there is no energetic FBI investigation about
Russian meddling in elections, or any other investigation that could yield
results that would be unfavorable for Trump or those close to him. And to maintain comfort about job security, the
Director should certainly avoid giving testimony to Congress that shows
independence from Trump or fails to provide unequivocal support for any
position or accusation made my Trump. But
all bets on job security during the Trump presidency are off if we start to
hear rumors that James Comey is writing a book to be titled “From Vlad the
Magnificent, With Love.”
You mean there is some kind of
private relationship between Trump and Putin? No.
Maybe. I don’t know. What I mean is that Putin directed Russian
meddling into last year’s presidential election for two reasons: First, he feared the prospects of a Clinton
presidency that would use his invasions and occupations of eastern Ukraine and Crimea to make his life miserable; second, Putin wants
to do everything possible to show that Western democracy is an inherently
unstable and chaotic way of running a country.
The events of the first months of the Trump presidency, including the
firing of FBI Director Comey just days after he publicly contradicted Trump
about Trump’s allegation of wiretapping, and perhaps requested something additional
from the Department of Justice for the
investigation into Russian interference in last year’s election, can be used by
Putin as evidence of the chaos and instability inherent in the American
political and governing systems. To make
things worse for the U.S., Trump’s naturally chaotic and impulsive behavior
plays into Putin’s thesis, and therefore right into Putin’s hands. Oh, yes, Putin – whose admiration for Czarist
Russia is public and runs deep, perhaps to the point of seeing himself as a
spiritual reincarnation of tenth century ruler Vladimir the Great – is loving
every episode of Trump’s newest reality show.
Is there a threat of impeachment
for Trump if the findings show collaboration? Yes.
If impeachment was justified for Nixon when the core offense was
burglary of the offices of the opposition political party, then certainly
impeachment would be justified when the core offense is collaboration with a
foreign power to influence an election.
What about dropping a bunch of
cruise missiles on Syria, and sending an "armada" to confront North
Korea? The President of the United States is the
Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. Whether we like it or not, Trump
is that person now. Short of declaring war, he can deploy those forces
pretty much any way he pleases. But deployment is one thing, and gaining
long-term results is something else again.
Unless the country is in some kind of immediate existential threat there
has to be extensive diplomatic follow-up to any deployment in order to achieve
meaningful, longer-term results. Neither Syria nor North Korea presents
an immediate existential threat to the United States, and there has been no
extensive, sustained and strategic follow-up diplomacy.
What was accomplished by these
two actions? As of this writing,
the answer to that has to be “not much” in the case of Syria, and “nothing
good” in the case of North Korea.
Clearly, any U.S. President could have been provoked into a one-off military
response by the Syrian government’s use of poison gas. That part of Trump’s action was
“normal.” What would also be “normal”
would be a major diplomatic follow-up in which State Department staff would
present themselves to other governments all over the world in a coordinated effort
to explain the American grand strategy for achieving a long-term settlement to
the Syrian civil war, and to gain widespread international support for that
strategy. This apparently did not
happen, and it did not happen for two reasons:
Trump and his Administration have not yet staffed the State Department
to a level where it is capable of that kind of outreach, and there is no such
American grand strategy. These things
are “not normal.”
What about North Korea? The North Korean adventure is also
“not normal.” Early in April, with
concern building that North Korea was about to conduct a nuclear bomb test,
Trump announced that a U.S. Navy “armada” (consisting of the nuclear-powered super carrier Carl Vinson and three support vessels)
was being deployed to the waters off the Korean peninsula. Several days later it was revealed that the
carrier and its escorts had actually moved in the opposite direction, away from
North Korea. (Did somebody neglect to
inform Trump that even a “super carrier” cannot be in two places at once?)
It’s a big ocean; ships
occasionally get misplaced, don’t they?
The Pacific Ocean is a mighty big place, and even a 100,000 ton super
carrier and its escorts use very little of the available space, but come on
now, isn’t it reasonable to expect the Commander-in-Chief to have at least a
general idea of which direction those ships are heading when he says they are moving
from “Point A” to “Point B?” The admiral
in charge took the blame for the “miscommunication.” And that actually makes the situation worse. Now we are left to wonder: Who is in charge of the strategic deployment
of these ships -- the admiral or the Commander-in-Chief? Did anybody in the Trump Administration think
to check in on where the ships were headed on the next day? There are only ten of these super carriers in
the world – they’re all American – and people in the Navy and the Department of
Defense know where they are every minute of every day. So, definitely not normal.
You seem pretty worked-up about
this. Maybe it’s just that you’re a sore
loser? This isn’t about me. It’s about a behavior pattern in which Trump,
as president, has presented himself to the world as somebody whose statements
cannot be believed. He has done this
consistently and repetitively by asserting that he won the popular vote even
though Clinton outpolled him by 3 million in the election; by accusing his
predecessor Barack Obama of wiretapping him, while offering no evidence; by
further accusing Obama of arranging to have an agency of the British Government
do the wiretapping (again, no evidence); by saying he is supporting an ally with a military deployment (but without actually making it happen until several days after it was said); by trying to suppress an independent
investigation of Russian interference in the election; the list goes on and
on. Trump wants everybody to believe
that he is history’s greatest deal-maker, but if his public word is not to be
trusted, then how can any other head of state make a “deal” with him when such
an event would be equivalent to saying “I made the deal with Trump but I don’t
trust him?”
Lots of people start a new job
and make mistakes as they are learning.
Why should Trump be any different? Fair point.
But more than three months on the job, with assistance from hand-picked
advisors and aides, plus the more than two month transition period that
preceded the inauguration, adds up to half a year of education and experience
for Trump plus a whole lot of other people who are supporting him. At this point, Trump and his people have dug
a bunch of holes for themselves. Only by
climbing out of those holes will they gain the trust needed to implement
successful foreign policy with other nations.
Some of those holes are very deep.
What is Trump’s foreign policy? Now we are getting back to slogans. He says it is “America First!” As I said yesterday, there is always going to
be something puzzling to write about at another time.
1 comment:
..."As Comey himself wrote in his letter to the FBI, no one should doubt the authority of the president to fire the FBI director for any reason or no reason".
..."It is dangerous and wrong to criminalize lawful behavior because it may have been motivated by evil thoughts. People who care about the rule of law, regardless of how they feel about Trump, should not be advocating a broadening of obstruction of justice to include the lawful presidential act of firing the FBI director. Such an open-ended precedent could be used in the future to curtail the liberties of all Americans."
from Alan Dershowitz May 11, 2017 Washington Examiner
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